It's long but revelatory and lives are at stake as putting people back to work too soon shows the disease increasing:
Whistle-blower ties interagency hostility to pandemic response -
By Sheryl Gay Stolberg, Sharon LaFraniere, Michael D. Shear, and and Ben Protess, New York Times
WASHINGTON — The call in early February from the White House Situation
Room came as a surprise to Rick Bright: Peter Navarro, President Trump’s
trade adviser, wanted him to come present his ideas for fighting the
coronavirus, alone.
Bright, whose tiny federal research agency
was pursuing a coronavirus vaccine, had long been at odds with his boss
at the Department of Health and Human Services, Robert Kadlec. His White
House visits, twice in a single weekend, only exacerbated those
tensions. “Weekend at Peter’s,’’ Kadlec quipped in the subject line of
an e-mail that expressed his displeasure.
The hostility
between
these two key officials in the government’s response to a pandemic that
has claimed more than 80,000 American lives and counting burst into
public view when Bright — who was abruptly dismissed last month as head
of
the Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority — filed a
formal whistleblower complaint.
The document accuses Kadlec and
other top administration officials of corruption, “cronyism,’’ and
putting politics ahead of science. Whether the charges are ultimately
proven, the 89-page complaint along with other documents and interviews
expose troubling infighting at the Health and Human Services Department,
the sprawling agency that includes BARDA, the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, National Institutes of Health, the Food and Drug
Administration, and other arms of government, as officials there
struggled to combat the worst public health crisis in a century.
“BARDA is the front edge of the global response, in terms of organizing
the financing, laying down the bets on what’s coming forward as the
options on vaccines and therapies,’’ said J. Stephen Morrison, a global
health expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies,
adding that the infighting had consequences. “They need to move with
incredible skill and judgment and speed.’’
The infighting
extends beyond Bright and Kadlec. Fierce battles have erupted between
Alex Azar, the health and human services secretary, and Seema Verma, the
Medicare and Medicaid administrator.
Azar has also clashed with
a senior White House policymaker, Joe Grogan. But the consequences of
such clashes were brought to life by Bright’s complaint.
E-mail
messages show that, as early as January, when Trump was saying the
outbreak was “totally under control,’’ Bright was pressing for the
government to stock up on masks and drugs and to commence a “Manhattan
Project’’ effort to develop a vaccine.
But Bright was largely
sidelined by personal disputes with Kadlec and his aides, some of which
long predated the coronavirus, the documents suggest. By the time the
pandemic arrived in force, the relationship between them had become
toxic, with Bright increasingly left out of key decisions. His ideas
about battling the threat “were met with skepticism,’’ the complaint
says, “and were clearly not welcome.’’
On Friday, lawyers for
Bright said the federal watchdog agency handling his complaint, the
Office of Special Counsel, had notified them that it had found
“reasonable grounds’’ to believe he was retaliated against and was
seeking his reinstatement while it investigated.
Azar must now
decide whether to reinstate Bright. An HHS spokeswoman, Caitlin Oakley,
declined to comment on a “personnel matter.’’ But, she said, the agency
“strongly disagrees with the allegations and characterizations in the
complaint from Bright.’’
With a $1.6 billion annual budget,
BARDA was created in the aftermath of the Sept, 11, 2001, attacks to
partner with industry to develop drugs, vaccines, and other “medical
countermeasures’’ that could be stockpiled to combat a bioterror attack
or pandemic threat. Bright had been in charge for less than a year when
Kadlec was confirmed by the Senate as assistant secretary for
preparedness and response in 2017.
The two men came from
different worlds. Kadlec spent 20 years in the Air Force and helped
write the legislation that created BARDA. He advised President George W.
Bush on biodefense. Bright, who grew up poor in small-town Kansas,
began his career at the CDC. An influenza expert, he considered a
pandemic to be the nation’s biggest threat.
Bright’s allies say
he was viewed with suspicion in the Trump administration as an “Obama
holdover.’’ One of his earliest clashes with Kadlec centered on a
long-running contract BARDA had with a small biotechnology company that
Bright believed was tied to Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law and senior
adviser.
The company, Aeolus Pharmaceuticals, was
developing a drug to treat the effects of radiation from a potential
nuclear attack when BARDA
employees decided not to extend the contract in early 2017. John
McManus, the company’s chief executive, said in an interview that the
decision was based on a deeply flawed process, and appealed it directly
to Bright.
In August 2017, Bright’s complaint says, John
Clerici, a consultant and Aeolus board member who is close to Kadlec,
pleaded the company’s case to Bright over coffee and emphasized that
McManus was “friends with Jared’’ and “has Hollywood connections.’’
McManus said he does not know Kushner or anyone in his family, and he
disputed nearly all of Bright’s claims about Aeolus. Clerici said the
“conversation never happened.’’
A review of corporate,
political, and nonprofit records shows only a distant and indirect
connection between Aeolus and the Kushner family. Some of Kushner’s
relatives have donated to National Jewish Health, a hospital that
co-owned several patents licensed by Aeolus, and Kushner’s father and
sister sit on the hospital’s council of national trustees. Bright,
though, said “the political pressure’’ from Kadlec and his underlings
“became undeniable,’’ and “had no place in a system designed to award
funding based on scientific merit.’’ In the end, he stood by BARDA’s
decision to not extend the contact with Aeolus. The company folded
within months. McManus lost his job.
In the fall of 2019, with
Aeolus bankrupt, McManus landed at Partner Therapeutics, a
Massachusetts-based company represented by Clerici that also appears in
Bright’s complaint.
Bright said that in September 2019, before
McManus arrived, Kadlec handed out a $55 million, no-bid contract to the
company (Partner Therapeutics) to prevent it from going out of business. Partner Therapeutics,
with 200 employees, produces and sells one drug, Leukine, that can be
used to treat excessive exposure to radiation.
In 2018, the
federal government decided to buy more anti-radiation drugs for the
Strategic National Stockpile. Bright’s division, following the
recommendation of a panel of experts, had chosen California
pharmaceutical giant Amgen, which produces two similar drugs.
Bright was so alarmed about what he claimed were “inappropriate and
possibly illegal communications’’ between Clerici, Kadlec, and other HHS
officials, the complaint says, that he called for an inspector general
to “inspect their phone records.’’ After that, he says, he was cut out
of meetings about the contract.
There is no evidence that an
inspector general investigation was ever conducted and allies of Kadlec
say he did some things Bright wanted, including putting the contracting
team under BARDA’s jurisdiction. But the request for the investigation
added to the bitterness between them.
Eventually, Kadlec
overruled him, Bright says, and awarded the sole-source contract to
Partner Therapeutics, “on the basis of industrial mobilization’’ — the
interest of the federal government to keep more than one supplier of an
important type of drug in business.
The consequences of a pandemic response of opening up too soon:
Meanwhile these
countries either defied it or opened up too soon, causing outbreaks, and
that's what could happen here. Belarus, which has not locked down
despite increasing case numbers, saw tens of thousands of people turn
out to mark Victory Day, the anniversary of Nazi Germany’s defeat
in 1945. That was in contrast to Russia, which skipped the usual grand
military parade in Red Square. Worldwide, 4 million people have been
confirmed infected by the virus, and more than 275,000 have died,
including over 78,000 in the United States, according to a tally
kept by Johns Hopkins University. ...Seoul shut down nightclubs, hostess
bars, and discos after dozens of infections were linked to people who
went out last weekend as the country relaxed its social-distancing
guidelines. Many of the infections were connected to a 29-year-old man
who visited three nightclubs before testing positive. Mayor Park
Won-soon said health workers were trying to contact some 1,940 people
who had been at the three clubs and other places nearby. The mayor
said gains made against the virus are now threatened “because of a few
careless people.’’ Health officials in Germany faced outbreaks at three
slaughterhouses in what was seen as a test of the government’s strategy
for dealing with any resurgence of the virus during the easing of
the restrictions. At one slaughterhouse, in Coesfeld, 180 workers tested
positive.
This is a running commentary on contemporary social, political and religious issues. From the Introduction of James Comey's book "A Higher Loyalty -- Truth, Lies and Leadership" "Man's capacity for justice makes democracy possible, but man's inclination to injustice makes democracy necessary" Reinhold Niebuhr
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