This is SERIOUS -- READ IT ALL AND SEE WHAT THEY WANT TO HAPPEN!
Forecast: Right Turn Ahead
The newest Senate Republicans will cement the party's conservative consensus.
October 30, 2014
GUTHRIE CENTER, Iowa—In her campaign appearances, GOP Senate candidate
Joni Ernst is composed, courteous, and emphatically unthreatening.
Her
speeches focus less on ideology than biography, especially her
experience commanding a transport company for the Iowa Army National
Guard in the second Iraq War. Now a state senator, she talks less about
Washington's failures than the success of what she calls "the Iowa way."
Her grandest rhetorical flourish comes when she promises "common sense …
good government … working for the people of Iowa."
And
yet Ernst is proposing policies that would massively retrench and
reshape the federal government, from eliminating the Education
Department to partially privatizing Social Security. In the contrast
between her mild manner and sweepingly ambitious agenda, Ernst embodies
the pattern for the GOP Senate candidates most likely to join the upper
chamber after next week's election.
In
the Republican class of 2014, gone is the belligerence and rhetorical
recklessness that doomed such Senate tea-party challengers as Sharron
Angle in 2010 and Todd Akin in 2012. Yet a look at the candidates'
agendas this year finds an almost indivisible consensus behind deeply
conservative positions among the 14 nonincumbent Senate Republican
contenders with a plausible chance of winning. (The 14 include the
challengers for the 11 most threatened Democratic seats and the GOP
nominees for Republican open seats in Georgia, Nebraska, and Oklahoma.)
In
this uniformly right-leaning group, Ernst may be the most conservative
of all. Many Republicans have shifted into opposition toward the Common
Core education standards; Ernst would shut down the entire Education
Department. While virtually all Republicans oppose raising the federal
minimum wage as President Obama has urged, Ernst trumps them by
proposing to repeal it completely. ("I don't believe the federal
government should be involved in setting the minimum wage," she said
flatly this spring.) And while all 14 GOP contenders promise to fight
the proposed Environmental Protection Agency climate regulations
limiting power-plant carbon emissions, Ernst would eliminate the EPA
itself—a position rarely heard.
Ernst
may hold the pole position on conservative aspiration, but the other
Republicans racing toward the Senate are not far behind. With only
slight nuance, all have pledged to repeal the Affordable Care Act
(except West Virginia's Shelley Moore Capito, who says the issue is
largely settled). Other than Terri Lynn Land in Michigan, who is the
least likely to win, none of the 14 has endorsed the scientific
consensus that carbon emissions are driving global climate change. Of
the 14, only Land and New Hampshire's Scott Brown have left open any
possibility of supporting expanded background checks for gun purchases,
such as the plan Senate Republicans blocked with a filibuster last year.
All 14 personally oppose gay marriage, though in a sign of shifting
attitudes about half say they would let states decide.
On
immigration reform, which passed the Senate but died in the
GOP-controlled House, the group's unity slightly splinters. Ernst and
Reps. Cory Gardner and James Lankford, the party's nominees in Colorado
and Oklahoma, respectively, indicate they would allow young people
brought to the U.S. illegally by their parents to remain (though Gardner
voted once and Lankford twice to revoke President Obama's executive
action providing such protection).
A few
have suggested they might eventually support some legal status for the
larger group of 11 million undocumented immigrants. But none has
endorsed the pathway to citizenship for that group included in the
bipartisan 2013 Senate immigration bill—and most have loudly condemned
it as "amnesty." Even campaigning last week with GOP Sen. Lindsey Graham
of South Carolina, one of the Senate legislation's architects, Ernst
was unequivocal in insisting on "no path to citizenship."
While
some analysts have theorized that a GOP Senate takeover would encourage
the party to cut more deals with President Obama, the unswervingly
conservative tilt of the Republicans likely to join the upper chamber
points instead toward continued—even heightened—confrontation. This
powerful ideological infusion could also intimidate potential 2016 GOP
presidential candidates looking to broaden the party's appeal by
rethinking its positions on issues like immigration or climate.
In
this year of electoral silver linings for Republicans, that's the cloud
concerning Graham. "In 2015, if we don't show progress as a party on
immigration … I think we continue to dig a hole with the fastest-growing
demographic in America, and our chances of winning the White House are
virtually zero," he told me in Iowa. Likewise a Republican alternative
on climate, he says, "is something lacking in the party for a
demographic that we're doing poorly with: young people."
The
common message for the contenders likely to join him in the Senate,
Graham says, is to keep their eyes on a finish line beyond their own
victories. "If we don't do well in 2015 and 2016, the goal of obtaining
the White House becomes less likely," he says. "So to those who get
elected, I hope you realize that the ultimate prize for the Republican
Party would be to have the White House. And what we do in Congress
determines whether or not that's possible."
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